By Steven M. Feierman

ISBN-10: 0299125203

ISBN-13: 9780299125202

Students who research peasant society now detect that peasants are usually not passive, yet really in a position to performing of their personal pursuits. Debate has endured, although, on no matter if coherent political rules emerge inside peasant society, or even if peasants act in a global the place political concerns are outlined via elites. according to ethnographic learn all started in 1966 that incorporates interviews with countless numbers of individuals from all degrees of Tanzanian society, "Peasant Intellectuals" goals to change the viewpoint from which anthropologists, historians, and political scientists examine either cultural platforms and rural politics. Steven Feierman offers us the background of the struggles to outline the main simple problems with public political discourse within the Shambaa-speaking area of Tanzania. over the last one hundred fifty years ruling chiefs, at the one hand, and dissenting peasants at the different have debated what it really is that allows a few regimes to carry existence instead of loss of life, prosperity instead of starvation, justice instead of inequity. Feierman specializes in the position of peasant intellectuals - women and men who earn their livelihood by way of farming and who, at the most important old moments, have geared up political pursuits of the best long term value. In Shambaii, peasant intellectuals have raised the problem of democracy, the position of chiefs, the that means of slavery and freedom , and the character of gender kinfolk, and performed a serious function in nationalist campaigns. Feierman additionally exhibits that peasant society features a wealthy physique of different resources of political language from which destiny debates might be formed.

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Students who examine peasant society now notice that peasants should not passive, yet fairly in a position to performing of their personal pursuits. Debate has persevered, although, on no matter if coherent political rules emerge inside of peasant society, or even if peasants act in a global the place political concerns are outlined by means of elites.

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We ask several questions: What is the nature of an inherited stream of discourse? What is the history of the intellectuals who use that discourse; what is their social position and what are their interests? Finally, what is the relationship of the intellectuals and their discourse to holders of power at a wider level? In the 1950s, for example, some peasants began to demand that local job-holders be educated and technically competent. What was the position of these peasant intellectuals? Where did they learn elements of this discourse?

We ask several questions: What is the nature of an inherited stream of discourse? What is the history of the intellectuals who use that discourse; what is their social position and what are their interests? Finally, what is the relationship of the intellectuals and their discourse to holders of power at a wider level? In the 1950s, for example, some peasants began to demand that local job-holders be educated and technically competent. What was the position of these peasant intellectuals? Where did they learn elements of this discourse?

The valuable contribution here is the recognition that practical consciousness and discursive consciousness can coexist in a state of contradiction. It is clear, however, that no regular relationship exists that ties practical consciousness to rebellion or discursive consciousness to consent. Some workers are articulate in their discussions of the inhumanity of the workplace but are then entirely deferential to managers in practice. In the case reported in this book, there were peasant intellectuals who explained in eloquent discourse that Kilindi chiefs had no right to exercise authority over their subjects, and that chiefship was inherently unjust, but who then paid their respects to the rain chiefs or offered tribute labor.

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Peasant Intellectuals: Anthropology and History in Tanzania by Steven M. Feierman


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